The Simmering Disquiet in Gua Musang

The Simmering Disquiet in Gua Musang

The Simmering Disquiet in Gua Musang

Koh Jun Lin, 12 Feb 2017

All is not peaceful in the woods and forests of Kelantan. An “uprising” of sorts is in the works, after years of simmering disquiet over rampant logging, that threaten the livelihoods and culture of the local Orang Asli.

This was conveyed to me by one of the natives, who hosted me during my recent trip into the hills of Gua Musang. An Orang Asli from the Temiar tribe, who is personally involved in the timber blockades set up to stop loggers, from encroaching into their customary land.

My host served a simple but delicious meal for lunch on the day of my visit. This is symbolic of the hospitable nature of the local Orang Asli, as well as a stark reminder of what they stand to lose, if the forest around them continue to be cut down, uprooting them from their way of life and source of sustenance.

There was roasted tapioca, fish, jackfruit, and more, with a helping of rice and sweet tea to wash it all down. His cat meowed incessantly and miserably from the adjacent room – begging to be let out to join the feast.

However, the mood around the floor (there was no table) was sombre, as my host Anga Anja, 42, pondered over whether his two grandchildren would be able to cook such a bountiful meal in the future.

Anga hails from the Temiar village of Kampung Barong, Gua Musang, and the land around him is threatened by deforestation. And the worry and anger over how this may impact their future, has stirred up the normally docile Orang Asli.

“We have awakened,” he said. “We have awakened and we are sad. How are our grandchildren supposed to live in the future? I could pass away at any time, but how are our grandchildren supposed to live after us? That’s why we have awakened.”

Loss of tree cover

According to analyses of satellite imagery compiled by the Global Forest Watch, Kelantan had 1.2 million hectares of tree cover in 2000. By 2014 however, nearly 30,000 hectares of that (20.9 percent) had been lost.

“It’s not even far away. It is just nearby, there are logging areas all around us. Yesterday they (loggers) said they want to cut down everything. It’s a forest reserve, they said,” Anga related.

In the grand scheme of things, this could seem mediocre compared to the rate of deforestation seen elsewhere in the country.

At the national level, the loss of tree cover over the same period is at a comparable 19.1 percent.

Kelantan’s loss of tree cover also pales in comparison to that of Negri Sembilan, Johor and Malacca, which occupy the top three positions (33.9 percent, 31.5 percent, and 30.3 percent respectively) in Malaysia.

But then again, watching green pixels on Earth turn Martian-red from space does not tell the whole story.

For Anga and his fellow villagers, the effects of deforestation on their culture and livelihood is clear and ever present, something that we, as visiting outsiders can perhaps only understand if we see it with out own eyes.

Kampung Barong was the first stop of my trip, after spending the night at Kuala Lipis and leaving the luxury of driving on paved roads.

Reaching the village entailed covering almost 50km. The average passenger car would take half an hour to cover such a distance on the highway, but this trip took three hours over muddy roads and across rivers in rugged four-wheel drive vehicles.

The journey also took me and my videographer through vast swathes of land that had been recently cleared to make room for oil palm plantations, before we finally reached the jungle proper.

The tale of the Orang Asli disquiet is probably better told by the broken and muddy landscape we saw along the way. Land which used to be hallowed burial grounds, bountiful orchard groves and favourite hunting grounds.

The driver of the 4WD vehicle that brought me there said he was thankful we were never caught on the road with anything worse than a drizzle. Otherwise, even these these rugged off-road vehicles and their intimidatingly large tyres with deep threads, would get stuck in the mud.

At least that’s what he would tell me when he was not busy expressing his shock, over the land that used to be lush and verdant green during his last visit just a couple of years ago.

He was keen on staying out of trouble, so I won’t be identifying him, and he would be steering clear of both the Orang Asli’s and the Forestry Department’s blockades to avoid any possible confrontations.

Buzz of chainsaws

As soon as we met, Anga was more than eager to recount how he and his fellow villagers first encountered the Kelantan state government’s poverty eradication programme Ladang Rakyat, which is similar to the federal government’s Federal Land Authority (Felda) settlement scheme.

It was about seven years ago. The time was about around 4pm.

Anga and some other Kampung Barong villagers had gathered at the crossroads just outside their village to wait for their ride, on their way to attend religious courses.

“Then around five o’clock, we heard the buzz of chainsaws near the steel bridge. It was the first time this has happened, and, hey? Why have they gone into the cemetery? They (foreign workers and a local contractor) had set up camp there.”

“After hearing the sound of the chainsaws, my friend went over. He found a lot of vehicles parked there, so he went over and asked, ‘Sir, how did you get here?’”

The friend found out from the workers that they were there to clear the land for the Ladang Rakyat programme. He objected, stating that the land they were cutting down for firewood was a cemetery, and the surrounding area were groves tended by the Orang Asli.

But the contractor leading the gang of workers would hear none of it, and rudely rebuked him.

“No way! These are not Orang Ali groves. Your groves are up there in the mountains. The durians are not planted by you. It’s (from) bear poop,” Anga recounted the contractor’s purported words.

He said his friend then returned to the group and told him and the others what transpired.

Blockade set up

After they returned from their courses, the villagers met.

“We thought and thought about it. There used to be just loggers. They destroyed the trees, but we didn’t know better.”

“Now we do,” he said, relating how the local community decided that it is time to act, as their culture and livelihood is at stake.

The first anti-logging blockades went up in January 2012. Some 300 Orang Asli from 31 villages in Gua Musang took part, claiming that their ancestral land is being taken by the state to be given to logging companies and for its Ladang Rakyat programme.

The blockade was the first of its kind in Peninsular Malaysian and continues to be a running battle between both sides today. Then, as now, the blockades are being continuously torn down by authorities and put back up by the Orang Asli from time to time.

The Temiars had also taken the Kelantan government to court over the alleged violations of their customary land.

The state government had alleged that the Orang Asli’s resistance were instigated by outsiders. Their lawyer Siti Kasim was even accused of championing the indigenous community’s cause, just so that she can fight with the PAS-led Kelantan government.

“This issue in Kelantan is driven by political parties, working with those who oppose the implementation of Islamic laws such as Siti Kasim who is against the Kelantan state government, not an environmentalist and certainly far from being someone who cares about the Orang Asli,” PAS working central committee member Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor reportedly said last December.

Angah bin Along
Kampung Chemal Resident

No outside instigators

However, all of the Orang Asli folk that I interviewed during my trip to Gua Musang – each in a different village – vehemently denied this. Instead they stressed that the initiative was their own.

If anything, the much-demonised ‘outsiders’ served as a moderating influence in the Orang Asli’s resistance and kept their campaigns non-violent.

“We fight with our mouths, with written letters. (Fist) fights, guns, adzes, blow darts are all left behind. We follow the law, the demand through the law, and we fight through the law,” Anga said.

Alik bin Busu
The Head of Pos Balar

His sentiment is echoed by the Pos Balar village chief Alek Busu, whom I met outside his home the following day.

He told me that the choice to fight is their own, but others had provided advise on the course of action to take.

“There is no outside influence. We merely sought their views on what we can do; things we can’t do, we don’t. The outside has no sway over us. Nothing.”

“The outsiders merely offered advice: If you want to claim this land, do it properly, do it by the book. This method is legal, because it doesn’t cause damages and all that nonsense. We follow the law, we go through the courts.”

“That was our decision,” he said.

Fresh from a hunt with a machete and a knife strapped to his belt. Alek too shared his anxieties about the depleting resources in the forest that they forage from, and the perceived trespass of their customary land.

“We set up the blockades because we have a stake in this logging, which we think is not right. It intrudes on our customary land, and all our livelihood is gone, destroyed. The Ladang Rakyat too, because they do this without the consent of the villages or anyone.”

“They don’t ask the chairperson (of the village committee) or the chief. No respect. So now we are deeply disappointed.”

“When the rainy season comes, we suffer. Back in 2014, three kids died because of the floods. The floods are the reason why we don’t like logging, because it disrupts our lives and livelihood.”

“The plants in the forest are all gone, like our fruit trees. It’s hard to find anything, and that’s why we set up the blockades. We don’t like it,” he said.

Lack of engagement

The Kelantan Menteri Besar Ahmad Yakob had previously denied marginalising the Orang Asli. On the contrary, he said, the state had looked after their welfare.

He said the state government had gazetted 973 hectares of land as Orang Asli reserve, and another 19,000 hectares for them to roam about in the state.

Notwithstanding the state government’s efforts, however, it appears that a lack of engagement had worsened the conflict between the state and the Orang Asli.

“This issue should not be raised. The Orang Asli community in Kelantan is only about 10,000 and the area should be sufficient and need not be raised again,” Bernama quoted him as saying in a Dec 4 report last year.

According to Alek, the Orang Asli had tried to bring their grievances to the menteri besar’s office, but their memorandum was not accepted, and they were given the runaround instead.

Meanwhile, as the tussle between the Orang Asli and the state continue over the land and blockades, Anga shares his idea of what a good life looks like.

“They said that these matters should be referred to the Orang Asli Development Department (Jakoa). When we met Jakoa, they said this is the Forestry Department’s matter. When we met with the Forestry Department, they refer us to the state government,” he said.

He said one company involved in the Ladang Rakyat project offered his village RM10,000, purportedly with no strings attached. Though the money was turned down, as they preferred to keep their forests with which they can earn their keep, instead of receiving a one-off windfall, and losing their ancestral lands.

“We can count the money another day. But as long as we have this land and this forest, we can make bracelets and sell it in shops and so on to make some money.”

“Yesterday for example I went to catch fish. People ask, and we go fishing. I brought him there, and he asked, ‘Hey, go catch some fish. I want to eat’. I went, cast the net, brought it to him, and he gave me RM20. Enough. That would be nice.”

“If we were to take the (RM10,000) money just like that, we don’t want it. We don’t want to owe anyone anything,” he said.

Note regarding tree cover data: Not all tree cover are forests and the tally merely represents the presence of trees with canopy cover above 30 percent, and its loss. Such loss is not necessarily due to deforestation. For example, an existing plantation may be cleared to make room for new plants.

The figures are cited here as a proxy to the extent of deforestation, legal or otherwise, from an independent source.

The Global Forest Watch also provides data on tree cover gain, but is omitted here because differences in methodology do not allow for the tree cover loss and gain figures to be compared.

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Can online petitions actually make a difference in Bolehland?

Can online petitions actually make a difference in Bolehland?

Can online petitions actually make a difference in Bolehland?

Zameen Datta, 23 Jan 2017

It seems that every time we log onto Facebook, we’re presented with new petitions to sign. “Save the Whales!”, “Ban computer games!”, “Support our charity!” – all these and more vie for our attention and signatures both physical and electronic.

While the majority of them will probably be ignored or deleted from your screen, some of them may interest you enough to read and sign. But does signing a petition actually do anything apart from giving you warm fuzzy feelings and the satisfaction of doing something good?

Let’s take a look at some of the popular petitions in the past…

Malaysia Wants Coldplay Petition (2016)

Signatures

Did it work?

Maybe.

While Coldplay still has no plans to stop by Malaysia, They have, however, increased another show in Singapore due to “overwhelming demand”, giving regional fans more chances to enjoy their music.

Petition to stop Malaysia’s barbaric method of getting rid of strays (2014)

Signatures

Did it make a difference?

Yes.

In 2015, Malaysia passed the Animal Welfare Act which has stricter punishments for animal abusers. The new act imposes a minimum of RM20, 000 and possible jail time to convicted offenders, a hundred times more expensive compared to the previously used Animal Act of 1953. Many activists saw the new legislation as a step forward, though they were still concerned about the fact that mandatory sterilization of pets was not added to the act.

No to Parking Fee Increase and Abolishment of Maximum Parking Charge (2010)

In 2010, the management of Mid Valley Megamall decided to increase their parking rates by almost 200% and remove the maximum rate of RM 6. This drew complaints and criticism from many tenants who felt that the increase was unjustified. A petition was started which eventually managed to gather 402 signatures.

Signatures

Did it change their minds?

No.

The management at Mid Valley decided to keep their new parking rates. Drivers are charged either RM 2 (weekday) or RM 3 (weekend) for the first 3 hours and an additional RM 1 for each subsequent hour. There is no maximum rate, so the longer you stay the higher your fee becomes. The new parking rate remains to this day.

Why do some petitions succeed while others fail?

You see, a petition by itself isn’t going to change anything. Even if a million people sign a petition saying that robbing a bank should be legal, the cops will still arrest you if you and your friends try to rob a bank.

A petition has four main purposes:

  • To draw attention to a problem
  • Gather a list of people who are interested in this problem
  • Send a signal that lots of people want this problem to be fixed
  • Inspire additional action to help fix this problem

So handing in a petition to the authorities is simply telling them “Hey, all these people don’t like this situation. You need to do something about it.

“Slacktivism”

The rise of online petitions have caused an increase in “slactivists”.

“Slactivist” is a word used to describe people who claim to support a certain cause but are unwilling to actually put any effort into championing it. They’ll click likes and sign petitions, but aren’t willing to go out to protest or take part in active events.

Part of the reason for this is simply the fact that people have their own lives to lead. Most people are too busy working and earning money to spend a lot of time or energy on activism. Even if they’re concerned about something, only the most dedicated people are willing to take time off to go and protest for something that might not even affect them directly.

Online petitions allow more people to get involved, giving them a chance to express their views without forcing them to change their lifestyles in order to campaign.

Does the government have to listen to a petition if it gets enough signatures?

Petitions give the common citizens a platform to be heard. It allows them to send a message to those in power, letting them know if they’re doing something that will negatively affect a lot of people.

But do they have to listen?

In the UK, the government has a system in place to deal with petitions, including the website http://petition.parliament.uk/. If a petition collects 10,000 signatures, they will receive a response from the government. If a petition collects 100,000 signatures, it will be debated in parliament unless the issue has already been debated recently or is planned to be debated in the near future.

The USA has something similar: http://petitions.whitehouse.gov/ is a website that allows people to make petitions online and “speak directly to the Administration”.

At the moment, Malaysia does not have anything like this. Petitions in Malaysia are handed over to the government official closest to the issue, who then gets to decide what to do with it. No matter how many signatures a petition receives, it is not guaranteed a response. If the receiver simply decides to ignore your petition, there’s not much you can do about it.

Why even bother to sign if it’s not going to work?

Because petitions are simply the first step.

There’s a reason why social campaigns are known as “movements”. Like a car, they require energy to move forward. A petition is like a spark, a reaction to an event or circumstance that the public finds unacceptable.

Because they can make a difference

A successful petition serves as a peaceful outlet for the people’s anger while drawing them together to fight for a cause greater than themselves. It brings the issue to the forefront, raising awareness and informing the receiver about how strongly the public feels about the issue.

While petitions fail to gain the momentum they need to succeed, there is a growing body of literature showing how effective it can be. In particular, organizations or individuals who are accountable to public opinion are more willing to listen to petitions since bad publicity can have such a strong negative effect on them.

Large petitions can also have unintentional side effects – drawing attention from the international community, inspiring signers to take further action or even incentivising other organizations to change their behavior.

Agree or Disagree? Share.

Is ‘Dangal’ girl power or a new form of oppression?

Is ‘Dangal’ girl power or a new form of oppression?

Undoubtedly, Bollywood movie ‘Dangal’ has been one of the hottest movies among Malaysian moviegoers since it hit the screens at the end of 2016.

This should come as no surprise. The movie stars Indian award-winning actor Aamir Khan and features a compelling and uncommon plot about professional wrestling.

UTV Motion Pictures

Spoiler alert!

Is ‘Dangal’ girl power or a new form of oppression?

Based on a true story, the biographical sports drama follows the journey of a former national wrestling champion Mahavir Singh Phogat (played by Khan) as he trains his two daughters to become gold and silver medalists at the 2010 Commonwealth Games.

The film has garnered much praise for promoting gender equality, especially in patriarchal India where it is still illegal to determine the sex of a child before birth due to widespread female infanticide.

But whether or not it truly challenges patriarchy is a matter for debate.

The film opens with Mahavir expressing desire for a son, so he could train the boy to become a world class wrestler to fulfill Mahavir’s dream of winning a gold medal for India at a world championship. The hopes of Mahavir, who had to give up wrestling to make a living, dies as his wife delivers his fourth daughter.

That is until his eldest daughters Geeta and Babita, enraged after being teased by the village boys, decided to wallop the boys. It was a lightbulb moment for Mahavir – why crave for a son when his daughters can be trained just the same to achieve gold for India?

Girls to men

To achieve his dream, he disregarded objections by his wife and the gossip among his neighbourhood. Geeta and Babita were forced to train at 5am daily, eventually abandoning their traditional salwar kameez and long plaited hair for T-shirts, shorts and cropped hairdo so as to not distract from wrestling.

The scenes of the girls training directly confront gender stereotypes in rural India.

For example, when Mahavir’s wife frets over how her husband is ruining the girls’ chances of attracting a suitor, he tells her that when the girls are champions, it is they who will pick their partners and not the other way around.

When she tells him it is unheard of for girls to be wrestling, he asks: “So you think our girls are not as good as boys?”

Most obvious was the juxtaposition between the Phogat girls and their friend, a teen bride.

Upset that his daughters missed practice for something as frivolous as a wedding party, Mahavir stormed the party and struck Geeta across the face.

Crying to their friend, Geeta and Babita lament that their father is no father at all, forcing them to give up things that matter to them – their free time, their childhood, their long hair – to wrestle against boys in the mud.

But in the pivotal scene, their friend the teen bride tells them they are wrong. Unlike Mahavir, she said, her parents see her as nothing but a burden to be passed on to a groom for a price. Mahavir, she said, was giving his daughters a life.

Two dads little different

Even so, one cannot help but note that both the teen bride’s father and Mahavir are holding on to the same rope of patriarchy.

Mahavir, who had the final say on everything, forced his daughters to bend to his will of winning a gold medal for the country. This was not much different from forcing his daughter to get married. The only difference is that Mahavir’s motive was much more acceptable in the perspective of modern society.

The scene with the teen bride marked a change in the Phogat girls who buy into their father’s dream, catapulting the film many years forward to when a young adult Geeta becomes national champion.

Now a national athlete, Geeta has to leave her father’s tutelage to train at a national sports institution far from home.

Here, Mahavir’s power as “father” is challenged by a greater power – the “state” – represented by the sports institution and the national coach, who immediately undermines Mahavir’s techniques in front of his daughter.

The move to the national sports institution also allowed Geeta to expand her wings beyond sports. If before she was tightly regimented, in this bright new world she starts growing her hair, painting her fingernails, goes shopping and watches movies with her friends.

Slowly, she decides to abandon the so-called “weak skills” that she learned from Mahavir and adapted to what was offered by her coach.

And this ultimately turns to a confrontation between Geeta and Mahavir. In a visit to her hometown, Geeta defeats the now middle-aged Mahavir in a wrestling match.

The treatment of Geeta henceforth is that of a “rebel”, and her rebellion against the patriarchal force of her father was duly punished.

In back to back scenes, Geeta is unable to win a single international match while her sister Babita, who upheld her father, becomes national champion as reward for her “obedience”.

It is only after Geeta makes amends with her father and returns to her role as “obedient daughter” that she breaks her losing spell.

A poignant scene between Mahavir and Geeta, where he advises her to be a role model for all girls in India, may again persuade the audience of the feminist streak in the film. But alas, the denouement brings us back to the question of overarching patriarchy.

As much as the film strongly challenges stereotypes and gender roles in Indian society, ultimately, Dangal is a story of how Mahavir won his gold medal for India through his daughter. In this aspect, Geeta and Babita as women, became tools for their father, a man, to achieve his glory.

After Geeta wins the gold medal in a gut wrenching, nail-biting match (the cinematography and acting are stellar, one is literally sitting at the edge of one’s seat), she scans the stadium to find her father.

In the pinnacle scene, she shows her father the medal, and he for the first time in her life, says: “Syabas.”

If you were watching this, what did you see? Did you see a father who secured a bright future for his daughter, or did you see a daughter who fulfilled her father’s long-awaited dream?

Was Dangal really promoting gender equality and challenging the traditional values of the Indian society, or did it merely show a new form of gender oppression under the guise of national glory?

Are parents responsible for child abuse?

Are parents responsible for child abuse?

Are parents responsible for child abuse?

Desa Mentari Satu is one of many places in the country filled with poor blue collar workers and their families. With few funds and little resources to aid them, many of them still struggle to make ends meet. The people who live in places like this tend to go about unseen and unheard from the authorities, making them extremely vulnerable to crime and abuse.

James Nayagam, the founder and chairman of The Suriana Welfare Society, has spent over 35 years working to help children from impoverished families. The NGO runs several free art and music classes, providing the children with a place where they can play and express themselves freely. The group also carefully observes their student’s behaviours in order to identify if they are victims of abuse.

We ask them to relate to us what happens in their house. And then during play therapy we see how they play with the children. During art therapy we see what colors they use. If they say they feel sad, we ask ‘who made you sad?’ and then the story will come out.

The Suriana Welfare Society is one of the only organisations in Malaysia that works to identify and prevent child abuse among the lower sections of society. Unfortunately, there are only so many that they can help. While the statistics are kept locked up by the Official Secrets Act (OSA), many believe that a majority of child abuse cases go unreported. According to the police, over 13, 000 child sex abuse cases were reported in Malaysia between 2012 and 2016, of which only 1% resulted in convictions.

Child sex abuse cases

The horrible thing is that is may only be the tip of the iceberg – it is believed that many other cases go unreported due to fear or apathy.

We used to teach the child. But the children say they don’t want to tell the adult because they’ll say ‘what nonsense are you talking about?

Shaney Cheng, the Training and Education Executive of P.S the Children.

The arrest of paedophile Richard Huckle in 2016 revealed a shockingly large number of victims that had apparently slipped through the system. The shock and outrage caused by this revelation prompted Prime Minister Najib Razak to set up a special task force to “look into ways to combat sexual crimes against children” But for many victims, it was already too late.

Child abuse is a horrible crime, one that can leave permanent scars. The physical and mental negative effects can potentially ruin the victim’s life. The problems are only amplified by an apathetic, judgemental society that is quick to complain and blurt out their outrage on social media, only to forget all about the problem in a few days. Some conservative families even try to force their children to marry their rapists in order to save face!

Richard Huckle the pedophile

To fight back against this menace, we as Malaysians must stop trying to ignore the problem or pretending that it doesn’t exist. Child abuse is a stain on the fabric of society, one that should be removed as thoroughly as possible.

To find out more about what you can do to identify or prevent child abuse, contact Suriana Welfare Society at their facebook

Or visit their official website

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Underaged boys and girls are sold or abducted from all neighbouring countries into Malaysia for prostitution and child labour.
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